Dynamic Africa

Many whites argue they had a tough time after the 1994 transition, as equity and empowerment policies ensured economic opportunities were closed off to them.

Others argue that poverty and unemployment figures have risen sharply within the white population.

The SA Institute of Race Relations has published data that shows the truth is very different.

Following the transition, 75% of whites in the country had a matric qualification and just 10% had any higher education.

But by 2012, almost all white children were passing matric while 60% of those aged 20 to 24 were enrolled for higher education.

The comparative figures are that fewer than 50% of black children are going on to pass matric and only 14% of those aged 20 to 24 are currently enrolled for higher education.

This despite the fact that the white share of total tertiary enrolment has dropped from roughly 40% to 20% since 1994, while the black share has increased to 65%.

Between 1994 and 2012, the rate of unemployment among white people increased from 3% to 5.7%.

While this is a significant increase, the actual rate remains remarkably low by national standards. For example, in 2012, 29% of black South Africans were unemployed. Black people were therefore five times more likely to be unemployed.

Read more of W(h)ither the Whites? by Frances Cronje at City Press.

This piece relates to this earlier post.

Do 400,000 whites live in squatter camps in South Africa? No - Africa Check →

Earlier this week, the BBC posted an article that outlined a supposedly bleak future for the minority white population living in post-Apartheid South Africa, in particular, “working-class white people, most of them Afrikaans-speakers”.

The post, written by BBC World Affairs editor John Simpson said that despite white people in South Africa having the best jobs, running the economy, and having a disproportionate amount of influence in politics and the media, not all was rosy for all white people in the country. Because of course, if all white people aren’t ‘riding high’, there is a problem - especially because Apartheid offered almost all white people in the country (Afrikaans-speaking white people specifically) a certain quality of life that may have been unparalleled elsewhere. All this whilst systematically restricting the rest of the non-white population of their most basic human rights.

Of this ‘past’, Simpson claims that both white and black people alike have chosen to indulge in historical amnesia as South Africans would ‘like to forget’ the ‘bad old past’.

But I beg to differ. South Africans don’t commemorate and celebrate holidays such as Youth Day (June 16th), Heritage Day (September 24th), Human Rights Day (March 21st), and Freedom Day (April 27th), because they’d like to ‘forget’ the past, quite the opposite, Mr. Simpson. And then again, whenever any of the ruling governments departments - whether it be the police, the ANCYL, or the Department of Home Affairs - gets caught up in a scandal of some sort, you can bet your last Rand that white people in the country somewhere will bring up, in some way, how disorganized, inefficient or corrupt this government is in comparison to those prior to 1994. I’ve even witnessed people at grocery stores rant on about how ‘black people got lazy after Apartheid was over’.

But I digress.

Simpson is part of a BBC investigative news team that features stories that ‘reveal deeper truths about their areas of expertise’, and although I’m no expert on poverty and race relations in South Africa, the perspective of the article didn’t sit well with me and after tumblr user mixopop posted this article (link above), I went on a little search of my own to see if Simpson’s claims had any weight to them.

Here are some excerpts from other articles:

The BBC article mainly featured poor white South Africans in a country with millions of poor black people. The article failed to mention that white unemployment in South Africa is only 7%, which is lower than the majority of European nations, while black unemployment is well above 30%. If Simpson wants to talk about who has no place in South Africa, and if the basis of his argument is an economic one, then it is the black person who has no place in South Africa.

Seeing a poor white person in South Africa is still a relatively new phenomenon. When most black people see a poor white person, they ask themselves: ”What were you doing during apartheid? What were your parents doing during apartheid?” You see, apartheid taught us that to be white meant you were well off, while being black meant you were poor.

Although poverty is no longer legislated, it is not true that South Africans now have an equal opportunity to achieve wealth – black South Africans are still at greater risk of falling into or remaining in poverty. One wonders if Simpson posed the question about poor whites because it was unfathomable for him to see whites living in poverty, that blacks can be poor but whites should not be. The premise of his argument, although left unsaid, implies that.

x

And:

“South Africa has never been in a situation where whites have been singled out and persecuted,” said ANC spokesperson Keith Khoza.

“Instances of crime and poverty affect all South Africans regardless of the colour of their skin.”

Khoza also said the BBC was suffering from an “apartheid hangover”.

“The BBC is living in their own world with their racist tendencies where they wish to undermine the government of South Africa because it is largely a black government.”

“This isn’t just an attack on the government of South Africa and the ANC, it’s an attack on South Africa as a whole.”

The Democratic Alliance too were displeased with the article.

“This is a very pessimistic post-apartheid view of South Africa. Poverty is endemic in this country and we have poor people – not poor whites and poor blacks.

“The article and video create the impression that black people don’t suffer in the new South Africa, where they most certainly do.”

x

Further reading:

discussion…

blackfilm:

what are your thoughts on African-Americans or other Africans from the diaspora being cast in African films (i.e. Jennifer Hudson and Terrence Howards being cast as Winnie and Nelson Mandela)??

submit your thoughts

does it show that Black is Black and nationality doesn’t matter? does it lead to the erasure of African actors and actresses? does it alienate certain audiences? does it matter?

faq
opinion

Nigeria’s commercial nerve center, Lagos is set to become the continent’s 13th biggest economy, similar to the size of West African nation, Ghana, investment research and advisory firm, Renaissance Capital has revealed. In its latest report titled, “Nigeria Unveiled: Thirty Six Shades of Nigeria,” the company stated that with a per capita income of about $2,900 which is currently double amount of the national average of $1,700, Lagos is at par with countries such as Morocco and Sri Lanka.

Lagos’ economy is significant to that of Ghana and is the heart of Nigeria’s $284 billion GDP economy.

“We base our analysis on states’ internally generated revenue, which make up 15 per cent of state government revenue, and consumption data, as proxies for state income.

“Lagos State produces about 12 per cent of Nigeria’s GDP, which is equivalent to $32 billion by 2013 ending. Post rebasing, which we now expect in early 2014, we estimate a 40 per cent upward revision in the country’s national income.

“By our estimates, the Lagos State economy will become Africa’s 13th biggest economy in 2014 at approximately $45 billion – equivalent to that of Ghana,” said RenCap.

Lagos to be Africa’s 13 biggest economy by 2014, similar to the size of Ghana says Renaissance Capital

You know it’s serious when they start comparing a city to countries. And we manage all this without stable electricity, easy access to basic resources, and the necessary infrastructure to accommodate life in a commercial urban landscape.

Just think about what Lagos would be if all the above-mentioned factors were appropriately set up and maintained.

Damn.

The World Bank says, between 2013 and 2015, Sub-Saharan Africa’s economy will grow at an average of five percent while the global economy will only grow by about three percent over the same period.

However, high growth rates are no reason for euphoria, says Robert Kappel, a German Africa researcher from the GIGA Institute in Hamburg. He has been researching the development prospects of 42 sub-Saharan countries. He says international comparisons show that most of them are performing poorly.

“The growth is mainly coming from outside factors such as the demand for raw materials and agricultural products that has increased greatly in recent years and has pushed up prices. That means export has greatly contributed to this high economic growth, and that is also a great weakness,” Kappel told DW.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank recently warned that Africa is becoming dependent on trade with foreign countries.

At this year’s World Economic Forum in Cape Town, former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan urged the industrialized nations to apply stricter rules for trading in natural resources with Africa. He said corruption and tax evasion are bleeding wealth from the continent.

Industrialization in Africa remains slow and agriculture cannot even meet the needs of Africa’s own populations. Job markets show zero growth. In South Africa, more than 25 percent of the population, mainly young people,are unemployed.

[…]

“Africa is doing well. We are making tremendous progress, particularly in the past two decades. But if we are to sustain this and to ensure growth that allows for employment creation for the youth and greater equitable distribution of prosperity, then we need to speed up the reforms, deepen transparency, reduce bureaucracy in getting projects approved.”

Excerpt from “Is Africa’s economic boom a myth?”

Photo from Helmut Newton’s A World Without Men.

Opinions?

Anti-Black Prejudices in Tunisia: Breaking Down Taboos →

“Blacks are our brothers and friends. They are good luck charms for me, a source of blessing,’’ said Walid Ezzaraa, a Tunisian TV presenter, on Monday’s “Bila Moujamala” program.

Such a statement is perceived by some as treading the slippery slope of racial generalization, deeply ingrained in the Tunisian culture. A black is reduced to a good luck charm that blesses people when their paths cross.

Among the stereotypes foisted upon Tunisian blacks are their societal roles as evil repellents and talismans as well as their sexually potent, lazy, and unmotivated personality.

“I went to a neighbor’s marriage, and during the ceremony one of the white relatives of my neighbor came to me asking if I wanted to ride the horse in the feast (the horse is always present in southern traditional marriages over which they put the dowries of the bride). I refused as I became aware of my mother’s warning,” said Abdul Malek Tayeb, a young man from Gabes.

‘Never say yes to them if they ask you to ride the horse, they will be looking for a black to ride it, this is part of their traditions’ was the admonishment of Tayeb’s mother.

“In fact, they were looking for a black to do that in order to meet their racist traditions,” he stated in regards to the incident.

In southern Tunisian weddings, blacks are considered as part of the decorations of the ceremony. A Black woman is needed to dye the bride’s hands with henna, take care of her, and accompany her in order to cast away and avert evil.

Racism for many Tunisian blacks is a daily routine. Bullying and name-calling with epithets like Wsif, Zombak, Kahla, Shoushen, Guira Guira, and Negrita are recurrent incidents for almost all Blacks.

“I was standing in the street of Kheireddine Pacha in Tunis, waiting for a taxi, and a man came to take a cab too. A taxi came, and the man tried to take it before me, though I had been the first one raising my hand to hail the taxi. The taxi driver told me blatantly that he would prefer having his Tunisian brother in the cab than a black woman,” said Sarah Intitoury. “I couldn’t react. I just let them go,” she added.

Blacks in Tunisia are mostly thought to be former slaves. Yet, according to historians like Habib Larguesh, there are indigenous blacks native to North Africa, who were never displaced or enslaved.

“Slavery is not uniquely related to blacks. There were many white slaves, who were called Mamlouk, but after being freed, those Mamlouk went from being former slaves to acquiring a social category while Black former slaves went to a racial category, which is as freed slaves,” said Salah Trabelsi, a Tunisian historian.

“166 years now since the abolition of slavery, yet still, the Tunisian society is soaked in racism and intolerance,” said Trabelsi.

Today, many Blacks in Tunisia still bear the legacy of slavery in their identity cards. Some have written in their cards “X, emancipated slave of Y,” or, for instance, Ahmed Atig (freed slave of) Ben Yedder.

“Why should this past keep haunting him (the slave) and his grandchildren?” asked Sana Bent Khayat from Djerba. Many blacks in Djerba still shudder at this anachronistic reference in their identity cards.

Marouen Mahroug, a white Tunisian from the island of Djerba, denied any kind of racism in his island. “I think that the issue of racism in our island is approximately absent in general. In terms of color, it proves to be totally absent since we do have a good atmosphere where white and black Djerbians co-exist without any problem. On the contrary, I think we enjoy our life together, especially if we remind ourselves that “black” Djerbians really have a specific sense of humour,” said Mahroug.

Trabelsi traced the problem to a whole social ailment that is due to the lack of freedom of individuals in a country that is still looking for its identity, autonomy, and true self. “Stripped out of its primary sources, Tunisia is still under construction, and now after the revolution people still did not fully grasp the meaning of who they are,” stated Trabelsi.

The racial climate in Tunisia can be summed up in the problem of an identity crisis. Asia Turner, an African-American woman who lived in Tunisia for 4 months, came to the conclusion that it is all about “a singular and close-minded ideal of what it means to be Tunisian.”

In her four month stay, she managed to see how people reduce the richness of their culture to believe that Tunisians are Arab people or they try “to align themselves with a more European identity, but it doesn’t really cross their mind that Tunisians can be black people too or Tunisians can be Asian or anything other than Arab and white.”

“I think that Tunisians are receptive to the idea that other Tunisians may not be Muslim… So in that way, they acknowledge religious diversity in their country, yet I doubt they acknowledge the racial diversity in the same way,” said Turner.

Tunisians, Trabelsi says, are stuck in a mental “ghetto” that fixes both whites and blacks in a certain rank to which a majority of both blacks and whites subscribe. “Many blacks now do not encourage other blacks as they believe that they are not meant for a certain higher class and thus will try to hinder their way,” stated Trabelsi. In such a way, black Tunisians may be doomed to not rise above the social class that is preset for them.

Being black and beautiful, black and smart, or black and rich are controversial combinations that mostly shock white Tunisians. According to some Tunisians, blacks ought to remain inferior to whites. “For blacks to be smarter than them (whites) is an offence in Tunisia. A white person can accept that another white person is better than him, but if this man turns out to be black, that is very offensive and can be very frustrating and insulting in their mind,” said Ali Rahali from Gabes.

Turner recounted that during her 4 months in Tunisia, Tunisians always questioned her, thinking that she must be from Senegal or Nigeria. At first, she thought it was so because she did not speak the language, and therefore people could tell that she was not Tunisian.

“But then in my talks with black Tunisians, they shared with me that even though they speak the local language and some even wear the headscarf, they are still perceived to be foreigners in their own country. So, with this said, I believe the root of the problem is a singular idea of Tunisian identity,” stated Turner.

“I lived with two host families, and they socialized often and brought people to their home, yet I never saw a black person welcomed into their home. Tunisians I spoke with always said they had black friends they went to school with, but honestly I think those black friends were just classmates and they probably don’t engage with them much outside of their classroom, university setting. There’s an issue of denial. Blacks are to a degree well-assimilated into the culture, and I often heard people say that there was no racism because blacks are in the schools and universities,” stated Turner.

Despite her different language and style, which clearly marked her as different, Turner said that being black added another layer to her experience in Tunisia and made her a target to racist remarks in public spaces.

“I can’t necessarily say that every incident was racist (…) I think I had some different experiences as foreigner compared to all my other classmates that were not black,” she said.

According to Trabelsi, instances of racism are used by their perpetrators as a method to affirm their own identity.

“In the struggle of the individual to establish his identity, some Tunisians are creating binary oppositions to establish themselves as individuals,” he concluded.

submitted by http://the13thcatsmeow.tumblr.com/

Not the most politically correct/sensitively worded article but a real eye-opener to the climate of anti-black racism in Tunisia.

Tutu: I will not be able to vote for the ANC

Additionally, the GCIM’s research paper reveals that many adults in SADC countries have either parents or grandparents who have worked in South Africa in the past. “In every case, nearly a quarter or more people have grandparents who had worked in South Africa…About a quarter of the people in Namibia and Zimbabwe have parents who had worked in South Africa. So did 41% of Batswana, 54% of Mozambicans and 83% of Basotho.” It is this history that compels me to argue that the South African government ought to consider extending the concept of the ZDP to other foreign nationals from the SADC region.

Based on the foregoing, people from the SADC countries have political grounds to apply for South African papers that allow them to work and live in this country. Their fathers and grandfathers, after all, were exploited, like all blacks in this country, by a white supremacist regime in order to build the South African economy. In some cases, their fathers and grandfathers paid the ultimate price, dying from pneumonia and other lung diseases on the South African mines.

Perhaps it is worth noting that many people in the SADC region live in poverty and view South Africa as a place with many economic opportunities. Although South Africa has its own problems and challenges, the truth of the matter is that South Africa is the economic powerhouse in the region (some might argue on the whole continent). In a policy brief written for the Economic Justice Network, Dale McKinley argues that SADC member states have a population of about 250 million people and a combined GDP of some US$432bn - 65 percent of which comes from South Africa alone.

Needless to point out, South Africa became the regional economic powerhouse that it is today partly on the backs of immigrant labourers from the SADC who helped build the country’s economy. Is it unreasonable for people to want to share in the fruits of what they helped create?

The Case for Opening SADC Borders: ‘We live here, we work here, we’re staying here!’ By Mandisi Majavu

(via peopleofthesouth)

(via iluvsouthernafrica)

As part of the ‘Studio Africa’ project, i-D sat down with Spoek Mathambo at the Boiler Room event to talk about DJing, the beginnings of the South African house music scene, and the racial divide that exists within the SA house music world and is in turn a reflection of the country’s racial categories.

More here.

MARTIN: Do you think that the prize is having its intended effect?

IBRAHIM: I think so. What we wanted out of the prize, really, is raw attention to the issue of governance and leadership. The week before we announce the winner or the week after, this is the main subject of conversation in every dinner table in Africa. People say, oh, well, why my president didn’t get it? Why this guy got it? Why? Once people start to talk about governance and leadership, that all what we wanted. Once a civil society gets hold of this issue, then our job is done.

MARTIN: What - of the major forces that we are now seeing in Africa - we’re seeing a drive toward entrepreneurship, the roots of which have always been there. We’re seeing a very young population. We are seeing a reverse migration in many ways, so many people who’ve been educated in the west in a previous generation would have stayed in the west are now returning home. We’re also seeing investment, like from China and a number of other countries, but China being the one that gets the most attention. Of all those factors, what do you think is going to be the most transformative?

IBRAHIM: I think the rise of the African civil society is very important and this new generation of young people - and, by the way, half the African people is below 19 years old. We have the most young population anywhere on the planet and this young generation is much better educated than us, than our generation. It’s much better connected to each other, but in our times, many years ago, there was only one newspaper in the country run by the government, one TV station, one radio station, both run by the government. And just to acquire a photocopier, you needed permission from the police.

Now, it is different, so the flow of information - this connected young people who receive better education than us who are not afraid. They are asking the questions. Why is that our standard of living? You know, Africa is rich as a continent. Why are we poor? That’s the question. And when people start to ask that question certain conclusions will be reached and that is very important. So I’m really quite optimistic about the future of Africa, given this vibrant, young generation of people.

MARTIN: What do think you…

IBRAHIM: African women also are very important.

Mobile communications entrepreneur, billionaire, and philanthropist, Mohamed ‘Mo’ Ibrahim is optimistic about the continent’s future.

via NPR

Intra-Africa trade a key ingredient to poverty alleviation →

Trade can be an important catalyst to poverty eradication. However, this has not been true in the African story, especially trade within the continent. Worldwide, Africa contributes only three per cent to world trade. This is insignificant and telling of the poverty levels in the continent.

Trade among African countries accounts for 10 per cent of the continent’s total trade balance and it’s the least compared to trade between the continent and markets like Europe, America and Asia. Trade among African countries has been low and not highly regarded. There are reasons to this state of affairs.

First, colonialism played a key role in ensuring that Africa was used as a source of raw materials and not an industrial hub. The countries focus too much on primary goods, mostly agricultural and mineral.

Second, the intra-African infrastructure is minimal and in a poor state. Take the example of Kenya. It is cheaper to call the US or the UK than to do so in the East Africa. Further, Kenya has Ethiopia, South Sudan and Somali as neighbours. For all those years, there are no major roads linking Kenya to Sudan or Ethiopia or Somali, limiting trade.

Trading blocs like the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (Comesa), and East Africa Community seek to improve trade among member states. In the past, Kenyan traders have benefited from Comesa as little or no duty was charged for imports or exports within the bloc.

Beyond the efforts by governments to boost trade, there are many opportunities for entrepreneurs to provide a solutions and create a robust business.

First, it is important to shift from primary products to serious value addition. Africa remains low on the value chain yet it has rich resources. We should invest in industries and factories to add value, create employment and produce finished products, not raw materials. Wealth creation comes from value addition.

Further, with infrastructure development, I can’t help but think about a Kenya with a complete Lamu port and a road to Khartoum or Addis Ababa. The opportunities are vast.

Days when international traders used to depend on buyers in Europe are long gone. Europe has its own share of problems. Your buyer might be right next door in Arusha.

Mr Odhiambo is the managing consultant of Elim Consulting.

b-sama:

Durban Street Life by Tyler Dolan

South African photographer Tyler Dolan took to the streets of Durban for his latest series ‘Walking the Streets.’ His main goal was to document Durban Street life by capturing the daily life of the people, how they live, how they work, and even how they play.

What he discovers is mostly poverty, but also the typical African street hustle, with people basically doing what they have to do to survive. Africans are the masters of survival, of making something out of nothing regardless of the hand they are dealt.

Dolan is in the process of putting together a book on his work and adventures on the streets of Durban, but for now here are some of the shots he captured along the way. As he weaves from alley to alley, and house to house, colours, textures and stories come alive

The language in this text is so off-putting. “What he discovers is mostly poverty…Africans are the masters of survival”, typical othering lingo used by disturbingly over-curious white pseudo-intellectuals and cultural anthropologists.

Once again, this sort of thing speaks to the almost limitless access white photographers - especially white men - have in documenting the lives of people in communities outside of their own. I’m just about ready to pick up my camera and walk into the high-classed suburbs of Camps Bay and visual document the lives of the mostly wealthy white population that live there, but I doubt very much I would be received with quite the same openness that such photographers as Tyler Dolan are. Pieter Hugo is another one that comes to mind.

Africa Is Rising. Africans Are Not. →

Africa is no longer the poverty-stricken panderer of yesteryears, and a hopeful phase of dramatic economic growth signals a new dawn.

Articles from renowned publications and projections from the IMF validate the so called “rise.” In addition to the growth of the telecommunication industry, an expanding consumer class, new natural resource reserves, and a surge in foreign direct investment, the new emerging African economy is a triumphant story that many in the Diaspora promulgate and celebrate.

Unsurprisingly, participants at conferences and galas at Harvard and Columbia this year are invited to embrace the momentum, realize that Africa is on the move, and celebrate Africa’s successes.

In doing so however, they are discounting the overwhelming realities of millions of Africans whose livelihood has stagnated or deteriorated in this period of great growth.

Accordingly, when asked about the betterment of their countrymen, some simply assert that development is uneven and placate doubters with declarations that Africa is starting somewhere.

Somewhere is the epicenter of extreme poverty and extreme opulence. Evidence from several African countries indicates that this new growth is primarily making rich Africans super-rich Africans, and has further marginalized the majority of the continent’s population.

Agreeing to so much of this article. Have had numerous discussions with friends about this ‘Africa rising’ image that does not resonate with many on the continent the same way it is being framed and adopted by those in the Diaspora - especially the West.

opinion

What Language Do You Speak? (aka Do You Speak “Us”?)
I’ve had this conversation about language and identity time and again with Africans I meet on my travels. My afropolitan (i.e. world citizen) accent throws them off – a mix of American, Nigerian, and what’s often mistaken for British diction, simply because I enunciate my Ts. (Perhaps it’s the remnants of attending a British-run primary school; not likely though.). Bread-breaking usually comes to a halt until the matter of my accent (origin) is cleared up. They simply must know which language I speak so that they can place me in one of two boxes: one of us, or one of them.

When I tell the cultural gatekeepers that I’m from Nigeria, and my accent is the result of living in the states for the past 12 years, they’re still not satisfied. “Are you sure you weren’t just born there?” they ask, “You don’t sound like you grew up in Nigeria.” I usually respond by asking them what a Nigerian who grew up in Nigeria sounds like, then hear some variation of “Like the people in Nollywood movies.” And when I tell them, I’m sorry to disappoint, I’m not an actress but an activist, I’m Nigerian through and through–I just went to the states for university, they deliver the kicker, “Well, prove it. What language do you speak?” The minute I respond with English (“Oh…”), it’s all downhill from there.

Excerpt from, What Kind of African Doesn’t Speak Any African Languages? Me by Spectra Speaks

As someone who isn’t fluent in her mother tongue, I can relate heavily to parts of this article although my story is a little different as I only spent a limited time of my upbringing in Nigeria and went to boarding school in a different country.

I also encounter this form of alienation and hostility from other Africans, of all ages, who attempt to devalue my identity as both a Nigerian and an African (as though they have the right in the first place) because I am not fluent in an African language. It’s a pity that some people are hellbent on policing other people’s identities when so many of these factors are, or were, beyond our control.